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{{Short description|British right-wing ideology}}
{{non-free|date=July 2018}}
{{Toryism|general}}
{{Conservatism UK|schools}}
{{Libertarianism in England|schools}}
'''Powellism''' is the name given to the political views of [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]] and [[Ulster Unionist Party|Ulster Unionist]] politician [[Enoch Powell]]. They derive from his [[High Tory]] and [[libertarianism|libertarian]] outlook.
 
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== Nationalism ==
Powell was a romantic British nationalist and viewed the [[nation state]] as "the ultimate political reality. There is no political reality beyond it".<ref>[[Simon Heffer]], ''[[Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell]]'' (London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1999), p. 153.</ref> He believed the [[British Parliament]] to be the expression of the British nation and his opposition to British membership of the [[European Economic Community]] stemmed from his belief that it would abolish the [[sovereignty]] of the British nation state.<ref>Heffer, p. 153.</ref>
 
His views on Britain's relations with the rest of the world derived ultimately from the belief in the independent nation state. The [[United Nations]], to Powell, was an "absurdity and a monstrosity" by its very nature because it sought to preserve the international ''status quo'' without the use of force, butwhereas thathe thebelieved "risethat andwar growthwas andnecessary disappearancefor ofsovereign nations is mediated by force...Without war the sovereign nation is notto conceivable"exist.<ref>Heffer, p. 563.</ref>
 
=== Immigration ===
Powell's opposition to mass immigration derived from his belief that the majority of immigrants could not be decisively assimilated and from his nationalist outlook.<ref>T. E. Utley, ''Enoch Powell: The Man and his Thinking'' (London: William Kimber, 1968), pp. 27-8.</ref> Powell said that the children of Commonwealth immigrants to Britain did "not, by being born in England, become an Englishman. In law he becomes a United Kingdom citizen by birth; in fact he is a West Indian or an Asian still".<ref>{{cite web |last1=Powell |first1=Enoch |title=Speech to London Rotary Club, Eastbourne |url=http://www.enochpowell.net/fr-83.html |website=www.enochpowell.net |access-date=3 July 2018 |language=en |date=16 November 1968}}</ref><ref>Rex Collings (ed.), ''Reflections of a Statesman: The Writings and Speeches of Enoch Powell'' (London: Bellew, 1991), p. 393.</ref><ref>Collings, Powellp. said401.</ref><ref>Collings, thatp. Commonwealth390.</ref><ref>Heffer, immigrationp. to450.</ref><ref>Richard BritainRitchie post-1945(ed.), was''A "inNation pointor ofNo numbersNation? outSix ofYears allin comparisonBritish greaterPolitics'' than(London: anythingB. theseT. islandsBatsford, have1978), everp. experienced166.</ref><ref>Roy beforeLewis, in''Enoch aPowell: thousandPrinciple yearsin ofPolitics'' history".<ref>Collings(London: Cassell, 1979), p. 401114.</ref>
 
Powell stated that as the immigration was concentrated in urban areas, the result would be violence: "I do not believe it is in human nature that a country... should passively watch the transformation of whole areas which lie at the heart of it into alien territory".<ref>Collings, p. 390.</ref> Powell said that his warnings were political:
 
<blockquote>It is the belief that self-identification of each part with the whole is the one essential pre-condition of being a parliamentary nation, and that the massive shift in the composition of the population of the inner metropolis and of major towns and cities of England will produce, not fortuitously or avoidably, but by the sheer inevitabilities of human nature in society, ever increasing and more dangerous alienation.<ref>Heffer, p. 450.</ref></blockquote>
 
He further believed that "parliamentary democracy disintegrates when the national homogeneity of the electorate is broken down by a large and sharp alteration in the composition of the population".<ref>Richard Ritchie (ed.), ''A Nation or No Nation? Six Years in British Politics'' (London: B. T. Batsford, 1978), p. 166.</ref> To prevent "civil war", Powell advocated a system of voluntary repatriation for immigrants and their descendants, and in February 1967, he wrote:
 
<blockquote>The best I can dare hope for is that by the end of the century we shall not be left with a growing and more menacing phenomenon but with fixed and almost traditional 'foreign' areas in certain towns and cities which will remain as the lasting monument of a moment of national aberration.<ref>Roy Lewis, ''Enoch Powell: Principle in Politics'' (London: Cassell, 1979), p. 114.</ref></blockquote>
 
=== Northern Ireland ===
Roy Lewis stated that for Powell, the situation in Northern Ireland "went down to the roots of his position on nationhood, on British national identity, on the uniqueness of parliamentary government".<ref>Lewis, p. 195.</ref> Powell considered the unionist majority in Northern Ireland to be "part of the nation which inhabits the rest of the United Kingdom" and that Northern Ireland should remain in the United Kingdom.<ref>Lewis, p. 199.</ref><ref>Collings, p. 487.</ref>
 
Speaking in March 1971, Powell said that "for the past eighteen months a part of the United Kingdom has been under attack from an external enemy assisted by detachments operating inside... when one part of a nation is under attack, the whole is under attack".<ref>Collings, p. 487.</ref> He stated that the vocabulary used in the context concealed the truth of the situation: "vocabulary is one of the principal weapons in the enemy's armoury". Those who perpetrated acts of violence, Powell said, were not an "extremist" but a criminal and that if their motives were "detaching part of the territory of the United Kingdom and attaching it to a foreign country", they become an "enemy under arms".
 
Powell considered those who committed crimes because they believed, "however mistaken", that they were thereby helping to safeguard their country's integrity and their right to live under the Crown to be "breaches the peace". Those who committed crimes "with the intention of destroying that integrity and rendering impossible that allegiance" were described as "extremist" and "executing an act of war".<ref>Collings, pp. 487-8.</ref> Powell also disagreed with the notion that members of the [[British Army]] were "glorified policeman", designed solely to keep order between two warring sides. Powell instead argued that they were in Northern Ireland "because an avowed enemy is using force of arms to break down lawful authority... and thereby seize control. The army cannot be 'impartial' towards an enemy".<ref>Collings, p. 488.</ref>
 
Powell, despite earlier supporting the [[Northern Irish Parliament]] and even redrawing the [[Irish border]] to reduce the number of Northern Ireland's Irish nationalists, advocated that Northern Ireland should be politically integrated with the rest of the United Kingdom, treated no differently from its other constituent parts. He believed that successive British governments, under American pressure, were determined to make Northern Ireland join an all-Ireland state, one way or another.
 
=== European Economic Community ===
Powell had supported British membership of the EEC in 1961, when then Conservative Prime Minister, [[Harold Macmillan]], applied unsuccessfully for Britain to join, as Powell believed it to be a way to make Britain liberalise its economy. However, Powell changed his mind soon after when investigating the EEC's origins and methods in greater detail, and believed that Britain joining the EEC would extinguish Britain's ability to be a self-governing nation. Powell said that the question of British membership of the EEC "must be the question which subtends all others...for &ndash; in peace as in war, it is the great, the ultimate, question for any nation".<ref>Collings, p. 263.</ref> "Independence, the freedom of a self-governing nation", Powell argued, "is in my estimation the highest political good, for which any disadvantage, if need be, and any sacrifice, are a cheap price".<ref>Enoch Powell, ''The Common Market: Renegotiate or Come Out'' (London: Elliot Right Way Books, 1973), pp. 110-1.</ref><ref>Collings, pp. 218-9.</ref>
 
Powell outlined his opposition when the House of Commons debated the [[European Communities Act 1972 (UK)|European Communities Act 1972]]:
 
<blockquote>It shows first that it is an inherent consequence of accession to the [[Treaty of Rome]] that this House and Parliament will lose their legislative supremacy. It will no longer be true that law in this country is made only by or with the authority of Parliament...The second consequence... is that this House loses its exclusive control – upon which its power and authority has been built over the centuries – over taxation and expenditure. In future, if we become part of the Community, moneys received in taxation from the citizens of this country will be spent otherwise than upon a vote of this House and without the opportunity... to debate grievance and to call for an account of the way in which those moneys are to be spent. For the first time for centuries it will be true to say that the people of this country are not taxed only upon the authority of the House of Commons. The third consequence... is that the judicial independence of this country has to be given up. In future, if we join the Community, the citizens of this country will not only be subject to laws made elsewhere but the applicability of those laws to them will be adjudicated upon elsewhere; and the law made elsewhere and the adjudication elsewhere will override the law which is made here and the decisions of the courts of this realm.<ref>Collings, pp. 218-9.</ref></blockquote>
 
The EEC question was the issue that would cause Powell to leave the Conservative Party on 23 February 1974, as Conservative Prime Minister, [[Edward Heath]], had taken Britain into the EEC on 1 January 1973 without an electoral mandate from British voters. Powell leaving the Conservative Party came just 5 days before the [[February 1974 United Kingdom general election|general election]] took place. After his resignation, Powell then shocked his former Conservative colleagues by calling on the public to vote for the [[Labour Party (UK)|Labour Party]], as Labour were offering a referendum on EEC membership. Powell placed the EEC question above all other matters since it eroded national sovereignty in an unprecedented way that had not been known since the [[English Reformation]]; EEC law had primacy over law made in the British Parliament, which Powell considered to be the true representation of the British nation, with the [[British monarch]] as its head.
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=== Mau Mau Rebellion ===
Powell was one of the few MPs who campaigned against the brutality of British troops in combating the [[Mau Mau rebellion]]. He called for British troops guilty of atrocities to be punished.<ref>[https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12997138 Mau Mau uprising: brutal history of Kenya conflict], BBC News, 7 April 2011</ref>
 
:"I would say it is a fearful doctrine, which must recoil upon the heads of those who pronounce it, to stand in judgment on a fellow human being and say, 'Because he was such-and-such, therefore the consequences which would otherwise flow from his death shall not flow.'"<ref>[https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-12997138 Mau Mau uprising: brutal history of Kenya conflict], BBC News, 7 April 2011</ref>
 
=== United States ===
Powell believed that the US was against [[Northern Ireland]] being part of the UK because it wanted a [[united Ireland|reunified Ireland]] within [[NATO]] to help combat the [[Soviet Union]].{{citation needed|date=December 2020}} Powell thought that Northern Ireland should be integrated with the rest of the UK and treated no differently from the rest of it.{{citation needed|date=December 2020}} He also blamed the US for the dissolution of the [[British Empire]] and for the British decline of influence in international affairs.{{citation<ref>See needed|date=Decemberpage 2020}}three of Shivaji Sondhi’s review of Simon Heffer’s biography ''Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell''.https://www.princeton.edu/~sondhi/nonphysics/writings/powell.pdf</ref>
 
=== Unilateral nuclear disarmament ===
Powell earlier supported British owning their own [[nuclear weapons]]. However, after his ministerial career, he rejected the view given by successive British government that [[nuclear weapons]] deterred Russia from conquering the countries of [[Western Europe]] and that as the nuclear weapons were mainly American, British security rested on "the American alliance and American armament".<ref>Collings, p. 647.</ref>
 
Powell believed that even if the Soviet Union had wanted to, it would not have dared to invade Western Europe "for one simple overwhelming reason: it would have meant a war they couldn't expect to win" against the United States. Powell said that the nuclear deterrent was "a pretend deterrent" and argued that the existence of separate nuclear weapons for France and the United Kingdom showed that they believed that the United States would not risk a nuclear war over Western Europe. He also said that they were "victims to their own reasoning" since neither would themselves use nuclear weapons in the event of an invasion because the consequences of nuclear war would be too horrific.<ref>Collings, pp. 648-9.</ref> Powell supported [[unilateral nuclear disarmament]] also because he disagreed with the notion that nuclear weapons prevented nuclear blackmail since Britain would have to choose between "unlimited devastation" or surrender.<ref>Collings, p. 649.</ref>
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His views on forms of punishment, judiciary and educational were not those of most contemporary or even present-day Conservatives. He described the death penalty as "utterly repugnant" and voted consistently against corporal punishment in schools.
 
On 11 April 1973, he wrote in ''The Daily Telegraph'':
 
<blockquote>I should be the last to imply that a Member of Parliament ought to subordinate his judgement of what is wise or right to even the most overwhelming majority of opinion. If he believes a thing harmful, he must not support it; if he thinks it unjust he must denounce it. In those judgements the opinion of those he represents have no claim over him. But capital punishment is not for me in that category; it is not self-evidently harmful or self-evidently unjust. I cannot therefore deny that in this context a settled and preponderant public demand ought to be taken into account or that at a certain point it would have to prevail. I do not believe that point has been reached: but it would be disingenuous for me to deny that it could exist.</blockquote>
 
== Distinction from related philosophies ==
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===Differences From Thatcherism===
{{Thatcherism|related}}
The former Prime Minister, [[Margaret Thatcher]], based many of her defining policies along the lines of Powell's rhetoric.<ref>See pages 2 - 4 of Shivaji Sondhi’s review of Simon Heffer’s biography ''Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell.'' https://www.princeton.edu/~sondhi/nonphysics/writings/powell.pdf</ref>{{citation needed|date=May 2023}} However, while they shared between them a desire for the denationalization of industries, their methods of going about this were considerably different. Thatcher desired to severely limit the power of trade unions by defeating them in open industrial showdowns, most notably with the [[UK miners' strike (1984–85)|miners' strike]] showdown against the [[National Union of Mineworkers (Great Britain)|NUM]], whereas Powell defended labour unions and desired to build unity with the working class by winning over trade unionists to monetarist policies through logic, intelligence and political arguments that were in opposition to [[socialism|socialist]] arguments. Furthermore, Thatcher's proposals to limit immigration were certainly not to the extent that Powell had proposed in 1968. While Thatcher intended to greatly reduce the power of the welfare state and national assistance, Powell had no enthusiasm for such methods and defended the welfare state.
 
Enoch Powell advocated for the voluntary repatriation of Commonwealth immigrants, arguing that generous payments should be put in place by the government of the day to encourage non- white immigrants to return to the countries of their birth.<ref>{{cite web |title=Britain Moves to Keep Out Commonwealth Migrants |url=https://www.nytimes.com/1971/02/25/archives/britain-moves-to-keep-out-commonwealth-migrants-britain-planning.html |access-date=2023-08-16 |website=New York Times}}</ref> This is something the governments of Margaret Thatcher never advocated for or introduced from 1979 to 1990.
 
The biggest schism of all between Powell and Thatcher, however, lies in foreign affairs. Powell's sentiment on Britain as part of the wider world would be more in line with [[Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury|Salisbury's]] "[[splendid isolation]]" than Thatcher's [[Atlanticism]]. Powell was a well-travelled man who spoke over a dozen languages, but his foreign policy of supporting Britain the nation state did not align with the stereotypical view some may hold of a man who was well-travelled and spoke so many languages. While Thatcher was a strong believer in the [[Special relationship (international relations)|special relationship]] with the United States, Powell saw the United States and Britain as rivals, and not as allies.<ref>On Powell's view that America had undermined the British Empire, see page three of Shivaji Sondhi’s review of Simon Heffer’s biography ''Like the Roman: The Life of Enoch Powell.'' https://www.princeton.edu/~sondhi/nonphysics/writings/powell.pdf</ref>{{citation needed|date=May 2023}}
 
Another foreign policy divide between Powell and Thatcher concerned their opinions and timings on the [[European Economic Community]] (EEC), as Thatcher was an enthusiastic supporter of Britain being membersa member of the EEC in the 1970s and the early 1980s, including being one of the figureheads behind the victoriouswinning "Yes" campaign for Britain to stay in the EEC during the [[1975 United Kingdom European Communities membership referendum|1975 referendum]], whereas Powell had been one of the figureheads of the losing "No" campaign to leave the EEC during the 1975 referendum. It was not until the late 1980s and into 1990 that Thatcher started expressing her increasing concern about the EEC's project to political and monetary union, whereas this was something that Powell had been warning about since the mid 1960s when he started openly opposing the EEC and the loss of British sovereignty that would result, showing Powell's stronger foresight into the matter.
 
Powell distanced himself philosophically from Thatcher. Notably, when it was remarked to him that she was a convert to Powellism, Powell replied: "A pity she never understood it!"
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== External links ==
*[http://knightgothic.alkablog.com/the_silent_cry_for_powellism_b52576.html Article on Powellism]{{dead link|date=December 2017 |bot=InternetArchiveBot |fix-attempted=yes }}
*[http://www.churchill-society-london.org.uk/StGeorg*.html Powell's St. George's Day speech 1961--an example of the nationalism in Powell's thinking] {{Webarchive|url=https://web.archive.org/web/20200107144451/http://www.churchill-society-london.org.uk/StGeorg*.html |date=2020-01-07 }}
 
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